On the 13th anniversary of the signing of the CHT Accord

-Mr. MANGAL KUMAR CHAKMA evaluates its partial implementation

In order to resolve the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) problem through political and peaceful means, the CHT Accord, popularly known as CHT Peace Accord was signed between the Government of Bangladesh (GoB) and the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS) on December 2, 1997. This Accord was achieved after a series of dialogues between the government and PCJSS. This Accord paves the way for re-introducing special government system in CHT.

It is mentionable that the CHT is a region inhabited by the indigenous Jumma peoples. During pre-colonial period, this region maintained its sovereignty under its own feudal kings. After inclusion of this region under the British Empire in 1860, the British government enacted the CHT Regulation of 1900 to preserve a separate administrative status for the Jumma peoples of this region. Later, the Pakistan government recognised the CHT Regulation of 1900 to be in effect under its 1956 constitution, preserving the status of the CHT as a region with a separate administrative system. The second Pakistani constitution of 1962 also used the term "tribal region" to recognise the CHT as a special region.

In 1964, when the Tribal Area status of the CHT was revoked in the Constitution of Pakistan, despite demands from the Jumma peoples, the special status of the region was not revived. Then in 1972, the demands of the late M N Larma for constitutional safeguards for the CHT and recognition of the identities of the indigenous peoples of the CHT fell on deaf years. Hence, PCJSS launched an armed struggle for right to self-determination since 1976 onwards when all democratic avenues failed to draw the attention of the government.

Though the armed struggle continued for about two and a half decades, the PCJSS always kept open the path for a political solution to the CHT issue by peaceful means. Consequently, formal negotiations started in 1985 with the government of General Ershad. Finally, the historic CHT Peace Accord was signed with the Awami League government led by Sheikh Hasina in 1997.

The CHT Accord had ended the decades-long fierce armed conflict between the Jumma people and the Government of Bangladesh. This Accord has laid down a basis upon which to bring forth people-oriented development in the CHT.

Though the then Awami League government signed the CHT Peace Accord, the regime as a whole showed a lack of seriousness in implementing the Accord. It nevertheless took several initiatives toward implementing it. Just after the signing of the Accord, some matters have been implemented, including the formulation of some of the related laws. This has created the practical basis for the implementation of the Accord. Formulation of the CHT Regional Council Act (CHTRC) and three Hill District Council Acts, establishment of the CHT Affairs Ministry, repatriation of the Jumma refugees from India are some of the matters that have been implemented.

In fact, though the Regional Council Act and the three Hill District Council Acts were enacted, they were never properly enforced, so the special administrative system with CHT Regional Council and three Hill District Councils (HDCs) could never be made effective. The CHTRC is expected to be the final authority with regards to development and administration in the CHT. In practice, due to lack of political support from the successive governments, the CHTRC has not been able to exercise its full authority over the CHT. Similarly, the HDCs have not been empowered yet by the government to exercise their full authority in their respective districts.

The temporary camps of the armed forces are yet to be closed down as per CHT Accord; rather, de facto military rule was imposed under the name of "Operation Uttoron". The Jumma refugees who returned from India and the internally displaced Jumma people were not rehabilitated, rather, Bengali settlers were included as internally displaced people and efforts were made to rehabilitate them in the CHT in violation of the Accord.

Though the Land Commission was formed, it was unable to resolve any land disputes and the Land Commission Act was passed with provisions that were contradictory to the Accord. In addition, present chairman of the Land Commission declared to conduct a land survey in violation of the provisions of the Accord and continues to adopt decisions without holding meetings with the members of the Commission.

The provision vesting the circle chiefs with exclusive powers to grant permanent resident certificates was not enforced; instead, the deputy commissioners were given the power to issue permanent resident certificates violating the CHT Accord. Land leases previously given to non-permanent residents were not cancelled and instead outsiders were given new leases in violation of the Accord. Voter lists for the CHT were not prepared only with permanent residents but included outsiders. The provision to provide employment to permanent residents of the CHT with priority for Jumma people in all forms of civil service in the CHT was also not followed. The above are some of the unimplemented provisions that particularly deserve attention.

It is a matter of great hope that the grand alliance led by the Awami League came to power in the general election held in December 2008. The Awami League had promised in its election manifesto that it would fully implement the CHT Accord. However, almost two years have passed and the present government is yet to take effective steps to implement the CHT Accord.

Hence, no basic changes have been achieved during the tenure of the present government. Rather, there has been hardly any positive development in the overall situation in the CHT. Expansion of settlements and forcible land grabbing by the Bengali settlers with the support of military and civil administration continue unabated in all the three districts of CHT.

As a result, though more than 13 years have passed after signing of the Accord, most of the provisions, especially the main issues of the Accord, such as preservation of tribal-inhabited characteristics of CHT region, effective enforcement of the three HDCs and CHT Regional Council Act, resolution of land disputes through Land Commission, rehabilitation of returnee Jumma refugees and internally displaced Jumma families, withdrawal of temporary camps of security forces and military administration, preparing voter list only with the permanent residents of CHT, rehabilitation of the Bengali settlers outside CHT, etc., have either been partially implemented or left unimplemented.

Many powerful influences are standing in the way of implementation of the CHT Accord. Of these, the most important is the government's lack of strong political commitment for implementation of the Accord. Since its signing, the successive governments showed little sincerity or goodwill in implementing the Accord.
Another obstacle to the CHT Accord implementation process is the anti-accord role played by the military forces deployed in the CHT as well as government employees at the level of the three hill districts as well as the sub-district level. They in general do not wish for the CHT Accord to be implemented. A form of military administration under the name of "Operation Uttoron" continues to this day in the CHT. Though some of the military officers deployed in the CHT do support the Accord, other powerful quarters can still be seen to be active in opposing it.

Yet another obstacle to implementation of the Accord is the presence of fundamentalist and extreme communalist organisations in CHT. These fundamentalist organisations have been assisting the Bengali settlers in carrying out communal attacks on Jumma peoples in order to prevent implementation of the Accord.

The role of the CHT Affairs Ministry (MOCHTA) has also not been positive with regard to implementation of the CHT Accord. The idiosyncratic mindset of the bureaucrats of the CHT Ministry deeply affected by a chauvinistic mentality is largely responsible for the total non-cooperation for implementation of the Accord. Almost all the officers and employees at the MoCHTA continue to be non-indigenous persons who have only superficial exposure and understanding of the complexities of the region.

Under the circumstances, chaos and confusion reign supreme in the region instead of peace and normalcy. It will not be possible to implement the CHT Accord fully and properly unless these obstacles are removed. Implementation of the CHT Accord is the only way to achieve a lasting political solution to the CHT issue.
In order to resolve the CHT problem through political and peaceful means and to establish the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of indigenous peoples of the region, the implementation of the CHT Peace Accord is key. Without proper and speedy implementation of the CHT Peace Accord, good governance and rule of law in the CHT will remain elusive.

Mangal Kumar Chakma is Publicity and Information Secretary of Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti

Women and climate change-Oxfam report

When natural disasters strike, they hit poor communities first and worst. And since women make up an estimated 70 percent of those living below the poverty line, they are most likely to bear the heaviest burdens.
Additionally, women are responsible for the majority of food production in many developing countries despite typically having restricted access to markets, land and credit. This lack of access means they face a double whammy: they are more dependent on the natural resources, that are under threat from climate change, but they are limited in what they can do to cope.
Women are also often left out of planning and management processes regarding global climate institutions and finance, even though they are at times in the best position to provide solutions.
COP decisions in Cancun can directly address these inequalities and engage women as critical agents of change.
State of play
-Key negotiating texts in the long-term cooperative action track (LCA) have retained references to women and gender equality in areas such as shared vision, adaptation, and technology transfer. These references were originally added to the text by countries in negotiating sessions leading up to COP 15 in Copenhagen.
-In other key negotiating texts particularly Finance there are no references to gender. It is critical to address this gap, especially taking gender into consideration in the policies and programs of a Global Climate Fund, including equal access to financing, and ensuring equitable gender representation on the board of that Fund.
Gender equality at Cancun and beyond
Gender equality is integral to meeting global goals on poverty eradication and sustainable development. A gender perspective should be explicitly included in any texts on climate change adaptation, mitigation, technology, and finance, recognizing gender-differentiated impacts, as well as women's and men's capacity to participate and act as agents for change in climate change solutions. Specifically, parties in Cancun must ensure that:
-Language in key sections of the LCA text are retained pertaining to shared vision, adaptation, capacity building, and development and transfer of technologies. These references recognize the differentiated impacts of climate change on vulnerable populations, groups and communities, prioritize the most vulnerable in channelling resources, and promote the active participation of women in decision-making, planning, implementation and evaluation measures.
-A Global Climate Fund must be established that reflects principles of gender equality at all levels. The Fund should have equality of gender representation on its Board and should ensure accessibility of its financing to women and other marginalised groups. Resources from the climate finance mechanism need to be delivered in a way that is accessible and driven by the engagement of developing country governments and citizens, particularly women. Such a Fund should have separate windows or sub-funds for adaptation and mitigation. In addition, the Global Climate Fund should specifically provide for:
i)full participation of affected communities and populations, including women, in the design and implementation of programs and activities, and mechanisms to ensure accountability to these populations; and
-ii)take gender into account in all policies and programs, including ensuring equal access to financing.
-Developed countries must follow-through on the delivery of fast-start and long-term finance to developing countries to support adaptation and mitigation actions in developing countries. All of the finance delivered for adaptation needs must come from public sources in the form of grants to ensure that resources are available to and effectively directed toward women and other marginalized communities.
Contacts: www.oxfam.org
Key reasons why gender equality must be incorporated into a global climate agreement
-Women are often the linchpins of communities, families, and local economies. They are the key providers for the household, and raise the children, care for the old and the sick. As a result, they are on the front lines of the devastating effects of climate change, and largely define the community's ability to adapt or recover from a disaster.
-Women produce up to 60 to 80 percent of the food in most developing countries. They regularly do the jobs, such as cultivating crops, and collecting water and fuel, which are most affected by climate change. Women's entrepreneurship in agriculture could make significant contributions to both climate adaptation.
-Women are disproportionately represented among the poor, making up roughly 70% of those living below the poverty line. They often have less access to resources and essential services before and after disaster strikes, and are more likely to die during natural disasters than men.• Women often struggle to get their voices heard in the climate debate. Given their central role in the family and community, women have invaluable knowledge about creating and implementing innovative ways to adapt to a changing climate, yet their opinions and experience are all too often overlooked.
-Other international agreements specifically address gender. Of the legally binding agreements that resulted from the 1992 Earth Summit, the UNFCCC is the only convention not to incorporate gender issues. The Convention on Biological Diversity has incorporated a gender plan of action that recognizes women's traditional knowledge and access to land assets

THANKS FOR WISHING A HAPPY BIRTHDAY

Food import: For whom?

Written by M. Mizanur Rahman and Shammunul Islam are Masters of Development Studies, University of Dhaka

Recently, the government took a decision not to buy rice from the farmers but to import it from abroad. The reason given is that rice price is already high in the market. The decision is not as simple as it looks. Agricultural price policy is very crucial for a country as 60% of the population depend directly on agriculture.

Stabilising food grain market is important for any government for many reasons, of which the two main ones are (i) if the farmers do not get the proper price, they will lose their incentive for agricultural production next year and (ii) if the food grain price is too high, the industrial sector will have to lose their profit as higher price tends to bring an increase in wages. Both of these two situations can be disastrous for our country.

Considering the interests of both the farmers and the industrialists is equally important. If the government cannot give proper price to the farmers for their food grains, they may even move to the cash crops and the food security of our country will be threatened. In the northern part and in the hill tracts many farmers have turned to cultivating tobacco, and in the southern part they have taken up shrimp farming, which is not a good signal for our country.

A study shows that by 2050, 17% of the South Asian people will suffer food crisis, and by 2100 the number will rise to 35% (Basak, 2010). The World Bank estimates that 882 million people in developing countries are facing food insecurity in 2010. This is alarming indeed for all of us, and ensuring food security should be of utmost importance for the government as there is distressing increase of population as well as demand for food.

To keep the farmers in the agricultural production system the government usually follows either of two major policies -- price support or input subsidy. In developing countries like Bangladesh, both policies are often adopted. The government has allocated Tk.4,006 crore for agricultural input subsidy (in the last FY, it was Tk.4,200 crore). This was done so that the input cost remained low and rice price in the market could cover or exceed the input cost. But, because of the weak distribution system and dealership management, and corruption at every stage, farmers cannot reap the benefit.

Along with input subsidy, the government buys rice from the farmers directly at an assured price. It keeps the food grain market stable as the government fixes the floor price of the food grains. This system can easily help in ensuring fair price for the farmers.

Now let us look at what will happen because of the decision of not buying rice from the farmers, and see how logical it is.

First of all, we have to bear in mind that rice price in any market in the country and the price received by the farmers are not the same. Last year, farmers got a maximum of Tk.600 for a maund of rice, but in the market we got prepared rice of the same amount (25 kg of prepared rice is produced from one maund of rice) almost Tk.1,000. Almost Tk.600 goes into the pockets of the middlemen who buy rice from the field, prepare it, transport it and sell it in the market.

This new type of business emerged in the villages only one and half decades ago, and now it is rising fast. It is the middlemen not the farmers who are earning a huge amount of money from food grains. So high price in the market does not indicate that farmers are getting the right price.
The government has 8 lakh metric tonnes of food grains in stock, and has decided to import another eight lakh metric tonnes from abroad. This will increase the profit of the middlemen. There is no farmers' union in any locality of our country, but middlemen can dictate the terms by creating a union among themselves. When the government is not the buyer, these businessmen will easily control the market and it will be the farmers who will lose out again. This, in turn, will discourage them from producing food grains next year.

In India, inflation in food price was 20% in FY 2009-10. Even then, Haryana Chief Minister Bhupindar Singh Hooda urged the central government to peg the minimum support price of food grains at 50% higher than the actual cost of cultivation. But, Bangladesh, with a food inflation of 9.72% (as of September, 2010), is thinking of not buying rice, which raises the question as to why we should take away price support when it has the potential of becoming a boon for our agricultural sector.

In creating a better food grain policy it is imperative to look at the entire system of food production, food procurement and the release and distribution of food. There are basically two motives for food grain procurement by the state -- to provide food security to the vulnerable population and to smooth out food grain price fluctuation from year to year. So, there are plenty of things to be considered before taking any decision concerning agriculture and food grain as the entire population is affected by it.

Challenges to our food security

M. Abdul Latif Mondal

While speaking at a function on November 10 for distribution of agro inputs to flash-flood affected farmers of haor area under Taherpur upazila in Sunamganj district, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said: "We don't want to see that a single person is starving, we are relentlessly working for ensuring food security for every person," adding that her government took "massive programmes including lowering of fertiliser prices for development of agriculture sector and providing huge subsidy to bring agro inputs to the doorsteps of farmers."

Food security is basically defined as "access by all people at all times to the food needed for an active and healthy life." While welcoming the PM's resolve to ensure food security we shall have to bear in mind that although food security is not unattainable, it is at the same time very challenging because of a number of highly adverse factors that the country faces.

The key dimensions of food security challenges are: (i) food availability, (ii) access to food, and (iii) utilisation of food. Our discussion on challenges to food security in Bangladesh revolves around these dimensions.

Food availability is the first component of food security. In the context of Bangladesh, domestic food production is the most important component of food availability. Bangladesh has trebled her production of food grains, particularly rice, since independence, from approximately 100 lakh tonnes in 1971-72 to slightly over 3 crore tonnes in 2009-10.

But, can the present trend of food grain production meet the requirements of a burgeoning population? Population growth rate is outpacing food grain growth rate. In its "State of the World Population 2010" report, the UNFPA puts the present population of Bangladesh at 164.4 million (the government says the present population of the country is 146.0 million) and predicts that the country's population will be 220.2 million by 2050. While unveiling the aforesaid UNFPA report as chief guest, Food and Disaster Management Minister Abdur Razzaque reportedly said that the booming population would directly affect the food security of the country.

Building up sufficient stocks of food grains (rice and wheat) in government warehouses is considered indispensable for ensuring food security in Bangladesh. In recent days, the government failed to maintain the food grain stocks of 10 lakh tonnes prescribed by National Food Policy (NFP) 2006, which has sent a wrong signal to the market. Coarse rice is selling at Tk. 34-35 a kilogram, exposing the poor and the vulnerable to food insecurity.

The emphasis placed on rice production has resulted in increased dependency on imports for non-food grain commodities, such as, pulses, oil-seeds and fruits, which remain unaffordable to many consumers, especially poor consumers.

The proverbial "machhey bhatey Bangalee" is now a distant memory because of quick disappearance of farmland and water bodies. Against the demand for 10 million tonnes of vegetables, the current vegetable production in the country is around 2 million tonnes.

Climate change and global warming are going to pose a serious threat to the country's food security by adversely affecting food production. Agricultural scientists have predicted that the country's rice production will decrease by 8% and wheat by 32% by 2050 due to climate change. Other food constituents, including vegetables, pulses and fish would also be adversely affected due to climate change and global warming.

While addressing the 65th Session of the UN General Assembly on September 26, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina thus aptly said:"Bangladesh has been adversely affected by global warming. Food security is faced with serious threats due to climate change and global warming. Though our share of carbon emissions is negligible, we are its worst victims."

Availability of food grains or even food does not in itself guarantee food security for all households or individuals in the country. Even when aggregate food supplies are adequate, a number of factors prevent poor households or individuals from having access to required food. These, among others, are: (1) income poverty, and (2) insufficient food assistance.

Food security at household level is closely linked with income poverty. Around 40% of the population lives below poverty line, and this comes to about 60 million as per present total population estimated by the government. They lack adequate purchasing power for procurement of food. Income poverty, which causes food insecurity in the households, results mainly from (a) insufficient government and private sector investment in physical infrastructure, (b) little non-farming activities in rural areas, (c) poor wages of agricultural labour, (d) seasonal unemployment of agricultural labour, and (e) high prices of foodstuffs in comparison with the increase in income level of the poor.

The situation is the worst with the destitute, sick, old and infirm who are incapable of participating in income generating opportunities. According to National Food Policy Plan of Action (NFPPA) 2008, population in this category stands at 7.8%.

Although there has been some improvement in the system of food delivery to the poor, it remains inadequate to supplement their food acquisition capacity in order to enable them to have access to required food.

Utilisation of food, including its nutritional value, is another important component of food security. Various studies on utilisation of food, including utilisation at household level, show (a) inequality in intra-household food allocation, (b) dietary imbalance, and (c) loss of volume, quality and nutritional values because of improper storage, processing and cooking practices.

The PM definitely kept these challenges in view while expressing her government's resolve to ensure food security for "every person" in the country. Bangladesh has huge potential to increase food crop productivity, fisheries and livestock despite climate change effects if right policies are followed. The government should not be complacent with "rejection" of the UNFPA report on the country's current population growth rate and total population.

It must be admitted that the country's family planning programme, that had once drawn global appreciation for its success in reducing the annual population growth rate, has lost its way in recent years. The government has not been much attentive to the field-level service delivery to the eligible couples. This programme needs immediate reactivation. Minister Abdur Razzaque was right when he said: "Booming population will directly affect the food security of the country."


M. Abdul Latif Mondal is a former Secretary